July 2002 - Ref 732
Becoming adult: young disabled people speak
This study of 72 young adults who have grown up with disability
compares the experiences of a group who achieved independent
households and jobs with groups of people who achieved one of these or
neither. The study aimed to draw out the factors that enable and
support disabled young people to move to independent adulthood. The
study found that:
- Respondents found getting work, running an independent household,
achieving a social life and citizenship very difficult.

- Combining different aspects of adult status was especially
difficult. Few had a job as well as an independent household,
especially if they needed personal assistance.

- Respondents with both jobs and independent households most often
named parents as the key to their achievements. Few had found support
beyond the family.

- Social housing could be a route to owner-occupation but for most
finding work that could cover housing costs was very difficult.

- Respondents saw paid work as the best route into other aspects of
adulthood, but even those in better-paid jobs often described the work
environment as difficult. Support for getting work was very erratic:
essential equipment might be provided by the employment service, but
could take a long time to come through.

- Disability Living Allowance was the only benefit consistently to
underpin employment with independent living.

- Personal assistance can support employment, but in general people's
need for personal assistance was a major impediment to taking up paid
work. The increasing trend of charging for personal assistance made it
very difficult for some respondents to take up employment; few could
achieve incomes that compensated for the fall in benefits.

- Respondents found choosing work was a very tough and expensive
option but those who achieved it found it very rewarding.

Background
Both government and the disability movement advocate independent
living for disabled adults. However, research has shown that young
people growing up with disability face problems leaving the family
home, and accessing housing, education, employment and income to meet
their needs.
This study interviewed groups of young disabled people who had
achieved varying levels of independence: those with jobs and
independent households (described as 'most independent') and those
with one of these or neither ('less independent' and 'least
independent' respectively). The study examines what difficulties they
faced in transition to adulthood and what helped them achieve this.
What constitutes 'adulthood'?
Respondents described their aspirations for adulthood in terms of
paid work, independent householding, social relationships and
citizenship.
- Employment - despite its difficulties - was most often seen as
the best route to independence, citizenship, membership of a consumer
society and the best route away from poverty and social exclusion.
- Becoming an independent householder represented a great - and
sometimes seemingly impassable - step in the lives of respondents -
but they felt it was crucial to their control over day-to-day life.
- Social relationships were usually limited - especially for
respondents without jobs. Marriage and parenthood were rare.
- Respondents had long experience of benefits and other social
services, and highly developed notions of citizenship rights and
obligations. Many felt a duty to contribute as citizens, whether
through paid or unpaid work.
However, the aspirations of the least independent could be much
more limited:
"Independence would not necessarily mean leaving home ... it would
mean that I could live my days ... without having to ask my parents to
help me ... whether that be getting around or using the phone ... things
like that." (Jenny)
Forms of support available
Young disabled people require a broad range of support to meet
needs with personal care, nursing, housing, income and jobs if they
are to live independently as adults.
The most independent respondents most often saw support from
parents as key to this. They valued parents who offered stringent
nurture, with high expectations of their educational achievements, of
their ability to care and fight for themselves and who assumed that
they would grow up - like other adults - to live independently:
"She's never been one for sort of mollycoddling and mothering ...
it's bordering on the hard really, it must've been hard for her to
watch me struggle and seeing me sort of fail ... but it's the best thing
she ever did." (Rachel)
These parents also tended to have the material and cultural
resources to support their children with loans and with networks and
in contests with local authorities over education.
However, not all respondents were able to draw on such family
resources. The least independent respondents could feel trapped in the
parental home: it could be very difficult to grow away from the very
close relationships that had developed:
"My Mum would miss me if I left home because she would have nobody
to look after." (Alice)
Lack of support beyond the family also presented some respondents
with an impossible barrier to independent adulthood.
Education
Educational achievements among the most independent respondents
were high. The majority of respondents in all groups had been to
segregated schools, 44 compared with 28 to mainstream. Some
respondents were strong advocates for their specialist segregated
schools, which they felt brought favourable resources, specialised
skills, an accessible curriculum and peer group support. However,
accounts of segregated schools were very divided; respondents from
other groups often felt schools had limited their expectations and
achievements. Access to appropriate support in mainstream education
also varied widely.
Housing
Half the most independent group of respondents were owner-occupiers
with some choice and control over their housing. But this status was
hard won, in the context of the higher costs and rarity of accessible
housing and low pay.
The lack of suitable housing could hinder job mobility. Kate had
moved to a new job, but was paying personal assistants to take her
wheelchair in and out:
"Because my house is inaccessible ... the bathroom isn't accessible
and it's not only a problem for me personally - it's a problem because
I happen to know lots of people who also need their access needs to be
met ... my sister can't come to stay here, quite a lot of my friends
can't go to the toilet."
The housing needs of respondents living independently - especially
those without jobs - were mainly met by housing associations. Housing
association accommodation often brought accessibility, good service,
support for needs, and sometimes co-ordinated personal assistance. But
some respondents felt segregated. This could also create a benefit
trap that made employment near impossible: few respondents earned
enough to pay the rents and have money for the rest of life. A few
respondents had been able to use housing associations as a route to
greater independence through schemes of joint ownership or other
assistance with owner-occupation such as mortgage deposits.
Personal assistance
Accessing, funding and managing personal assistance were issues
respondents faced if they were to leave the parental home. Some
respondents spoke of social services enabling and managing support
that met their needs and reduced the organisational effort on their
own part, but the most independent respondents tended to prefer
managing their own assistants. They spoke of choice and flexibility
and of building personal relationships and trust with people with whom
they might have to share personal and family space. Steve found it
"like being married to two people, simultaneously, and you've got to
keep ... them both happy".
For respondents living independently the means-tests and charges
around funding for personal assistance were a major barrier to work.
They had no reasonable expectation of support from employers and no
expectation of earning enough to pay for personal assistance. Siresh
had low expectations of employment because of his poor educational
qualifications and personal assistance needs:
"As far as income support or any of those benefits goes I'm happy
to give up those benefits for some kind of employment ... but if a
person is entitled to personal care benefits then they should be
entitled to it regardless of whether they work or don't work." (Siresh)
Respondents living with parents usually had their needs met by
their parents. Some parents provided skilled and sensitive nursing
care which respondents valued above any alternative form of provision.
But others described their relationships as damaging to their parents
or abusive to themselves, making it harder for them to live as
independent adults.
"They find me difficult to live with ... all I do is cause work for
them ... I feel very unloved." (Tracey)
Employment
Government policy is to encourage those who can to work, focusing
on addressing the attitudes and limitations of potential employees.
But very few respondents had jobs that paid enough to cover disability
costs. A few respondents had accessed low paid work through public
sector schemes, and some graduates valued voluntary sector training
schemes. A few had used the employment services to access essential
assistance or equipment. But most spoke of delays and obstacles in
getting these - especially if they worked in the private sector.
"I have been trying to sort some speech equipment out ... It has been
going on for three years so far. Getting quotes for equipment and
finding out if the Council or PACT are funding it have proved very
difficult. Without this equipment people who I need to talk to need a
personal computer handy instead of me having something on my
wheelchair and just talking where we are." (Tom)
"The equipment that I need has still not arrived so I am spending
my time doing the photocopying. I feel so isolated." (Chloe)
Most respondents worked for personal satisfaction rather than for
the money, though a few felt that they were paid more - and could
therefore lead a fuller life - than they thought likely on benefits.
There were no obvious differences in attitudes between those who
were in employment and those who were not. There were three key
deterrents to employment: lack of educational qualifications, failed
applications and - looming largest - benefit problems, especially in
relation to personal assistance.
Benefits
Benefits - whether for increased costs, income replacement, or
personal assistance - formed a significant proportion of respondents'
incomes. They were therefore a key influence on respondents' ability
to get work, housing and personal assistance.
- Disability Living Allowance was highly valued. Covering extra
costs without means tests, in work or out, it was a crucial secure
support to respondents with jobs. But it was not enough to cover
personal assistance or to cover the risks of taking up work for the
many respondents on benefit, especially those who were less qualified
or supported by parents.
- The Independent Living Fund and local authority direct payments
may cover personal assistance in work or out. However, the increasing
trend for charging for personal assistance made it very difficult for
some respondents to take up employment, as few could achieve incomes
that compensated for the fall in benefits.
- Access needs made young adults eligible for housing association
accommodation, but the high rents subjected them to means-tested
housing benefit. Again, this could make paid employment difficult or
impossible.
Respondents felt the benefit system was often at the heart of their
difficulties in combining different aspects of adult status. It was
particularly difficult to be a householder and to have a job,
especially for those needing personal assistance.
"Claiming benefit ... is not necessarily directed towards sensible
use of resources, independent living, going on to work ... it's geared
if anything completely against that at all levels." (Kathy)
Conclusion
Most people in the study wanted to achieve adulthood through
employment, to gain resources for independent living in their own
choice of housing, wider social networks, escape from poverty, and a
sense of contributing to society. However, their experience suggests
that young people growing up with disability need more support in
moving from parental care in parental homes to independent adulthood.
Benefit policy has just begun to recognise the disadvantages faced
by young people growing up with disability. Income support, housing
benefit and means-tested housing adaptations, personal assistance
charges combine to form a means-tested environment which inhibits the
movement from parental care to personal autonomy, through specialised
housing into owner-occupation and from unemployment into work. The
researchers conclude that the difficulties of transition to adult life
- and the differences from people with disability acquired later in
life - need much wider recognition throughout the policy environment.
About the project
The study was undertaken by Nicola Hendey and Gillian Pascall at
the School of Sociology and Social Policy at the University of
Nottingham.
The study is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews with 29
respondents with jobs and independent households (the 'most
independent' group) and 43 others in comparative groups who had one or
other of these or neither ('less' and 'least independent' groups).
Most respondents were entitled to Disability Living Allowance at the
middle or higher rates and this was used as a criterion for selecting
a sample with high assistance needs. To allow for the extended
transition to adulthood of this group, the age of the sample ranged
from 21 to 35.
How to get further
information
The full report, Disability
and transition to adulthood: Achieving independent living by
Nicola Hendey and Gillian Pascall, is published for the Foundation by
Pavilion Publishing (ISBN 1 84196 051 9, price £12.95).
Click on the 'order report' icon in
the left margin to order online.
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