May 2001 - Ref 511
Childminding in the 1990s
Childminders are a major provider of non-parental childcare,
offering a valuable service to families. As such, they have a
significant role to play in the National Childcare Strategy, one aim
of which is to increase the number of childcare places. Childminding
is also a major source of employment in the childcare field. Yet, the
number of childminders has fallen over recent years. This study, by
researchers at Thomas Coram Research Unit, looked at childminding as
an occupation and its role in the provision of childcare. Using data
from secondary analysis, a large-scale survey and case studies, the
study found that:
- Childminders are the main providers of formal childcare accounting
for nearly a quarter of children receiving non-parental care.

- Childminding is mainly undertaken by women when their children are
young, because it enables them to combine paid work and care for their
own children.

- A substantial number of childminders see childminding as a
long-term career, while others see it as a passing phase in their
employment.

- Childminders clearly define themselves as professional childcare
workers, but less strongly feel the need for training and
qualifications. Personal experience of motherhood was for some an
important requirement.

- Childminding demands a variety of skills, not least of which are
working within a private market and negotiating relationships with
parents. There was a tension between being a carer, with its emphasis
on commitment and close personal relationships, and operating as a
small business in a private childcare market.

- Although working conditions are poor, childminders recorded a high
level of satisfaction and commitment to their work.

- Childminders expressed dissatisfaction with what they saw as the
low value placed on their work by society. This affected the views of
childminders and parents about childminding as an occupation.

- Changes in demographic and employment patterns, regulation, and the
work of childminders are contributing to the fall in the number of
childminders.

Background
Much of the research on childminding occurred in the 1970s and
1980s. Since then, the environment within which childminders work has
changed considerably. The Children Act 1989, for example, introduced a
modernised system of regulation. More recently, the National Childcare
Strategy set out the Government's intention to ensure good quality,
affordable childcare for children aged 0-14 in every neighbourhood.
The demand for, and supply of, childcare has also changed. Employment
amongst women with a child under five has increased significantly.
Other forms of childcare, particularly private day nurseries, have
grown in number leading potentially to increased competition in the
childcare market. Further change is imminent. National standards for
childminders, nursery and pre-school playgroup providers will soon
come into effect. The transfer of the regulation of childcare from
Social Services to the Office for Standards in Education (OFSTED) will
take place later this year. Against this backdrop, the study was
undertaken to find out what it means to be a childminder at the end of
the 1990s.
Childminding as part of the childcare landscape
The study revealed a picture of childcare arrangements similar to
that reported in previous research. Care by relatives is still the
most common form of childcare for children whose parents work.
Childminders, however, are the major providers of formal childcare,
accounting for nearly a quarter of children receiving non-parental
care.
Childcare arrangements varied substantially between socio-economic
groups. Parents using childminders and day nurseries were much more
likely to be working full-time and be working in professional and
managerial jobs. Parents using relatives or friends were less likely
to work in professional and managerial jobs and more likely to be
working part-time.
Reasons for becoming a childminder
Most childminders in this study were women with a partner in
full-time employment. Women enter childminding usually at a time in
their life when they have young children at home. When they started
childminding over 90 per cent had their own children, of whom
three-quarters were under the age of five. The main motivation for
entering the work was expressed by this childminder:
"Childminding is an excellent job for a parent who wishes to
stay at home with their own children yet still contribute to the
family budget."
Although a preference to stay at home and care for their children
was a reason for childminding, the intrinsic and financial reward that
alternative employment could offer was also a decision-making factor.
Since women consider childminding once they themselves have had
children, most have been in previous employment before starting a
family. Whilst many stop working when they have children, a third had
worked outside the home and used non-maternal childcare before
becoming a childminder. Previous employment tended not to be
professional or managerial and therefore less likely to command high
salaries.
"By the time I'd paid for travel and childcare costs, I was
bringing in less than I earn now, working two and a half days from
home as a childminder."
In the past, there has been a notion that women working as
childminders are doing so for 'pin' money and are not therefore
dependent on the income. However, case study childminders said that
their childminding income was essential to their household income.
Working as a childminder
On average, childminders had been childminding for six years,
though not always working continuously. A quarter had taken a break
from childminding, but remained registered. Although registered on
average for 4.8 children, they were caring on average for 3.5 children
and one half had vacancies. Places actually in use at registered
childminders therefore appear to be substantially less than those
recorded as available.
Working hours averaged 34 a week, but a third worked between 41 and
50 hours a week. Three-quarters did not get paid when they took a
holiday. Home workers are some of the lowest paid workers in the
labour force and childminders are no exception. The average gross
weekly income was £103. Although often considering themselves low
paid, they find it difficult to increase their fees.
"You can't charge too much, because you price yourself out of
the market. So you're not earning enough to be fully independent, but
at the same time you can't afford to ask for more, because then
you'll have no work at all."
Furthermore, the work is not necessarily continuous or reliable.
New childminders often had difficulty breaking into the market, which
meant a delay in starting work. When arrangements ended, or changed,
childminders did not know when they would find new business. A former
childminder explains the effect of a parent suddenly announcing they
were reducing their hours:
"It's only a couple of pounds an hour, but it makes such a
difference ... but even when you've got quite close to people, it was
hard to get across that, well, actually I was banking on that tenner."
The majority of childminders recorded a high level of satisfaction
despite these poor working conditions. Being able to combine paid work
with being at home was one of the most satisfying aspects of
childminding. Another source of satisfaction came from finding
children enjoyable to be with and helping in their development.
How childminders view their work
Commitment to their work was very high. Asked about their current
employment preferences, more than half said they wanted to be
childminding. The majority of those preferring another job wanted to
remain working with children. More than half either saw childminding
as their chosen career or as a stepping-stone to related work.
Two-fifths, however, saw childminding as convenient while their
children were young and still at home.
Childminders view themselves as professional childcare workers, but
feel less strongly that a childcare qualification is important. Only a
third think it very important that they attend training courses.
Finding time and money to attend training courses was in any case seen as problematical.
Nevertheless, around three-quarters had undertaken some
non-qualification training related to their work. Since there is no
requirement for childminders to be trained or qualified, it is perhaps
understandable that childminders may not consider it important.
Lack of career progression and the fact that childcare experience
gains little recognition within the wider labour market contributed to
the problems that some childminders had in seeing childminding as a
career. The low value accorded to childcare by our society, which -
together with poor working conditions - was a major cause of
dissatisfaction among childminders, also makes it difficult to view
childminding as a career or even as a 'proper' job.
Differentiating the care provided as a mother and as a childminder
could be difficult, particularly when both took place in the
childminder's home and what was done for her own children was often
done too for the child being looked after on a professional basis.
Opinion was divided on the importance of childminders being parents
themselves. Childminders wanted to emphasise the close relationship
that can develop between themselves and the children in their care.
"You're like mum, but you're not mum - you're more like an
auntie, rather than just the childminder."
Childminders and parents were often of the view that people who
were childminding should be primarily motivated by a desire to work
with children, not for financial reasons. Behind this view appears to
lie the belief that caring and earning money from caring are
incompatible. This can mean that viewing childminding as a business is
difficult, despite the fact that a business transaction takes place. A
tension exists between being committed to childcare and wanting to
earn a reasonable income from it, which can result in a difficult
relationship between parent and childminder.
The childminder-parent relationship
Although childminding is subject to greater regulation, it is still
very much a private arrangement between parent and provider.
Consequently, it is largely left to these two parties to decide what
their respective role and relationship will be.
The success of the childminding arrangement appeared to rest
largely on the personal relationship between childminders and parents.
The fact that both parents and childminders expressed satisfaction
with their current arrangements suggests how skilled they were in
negotiating a relationship, which is governed both by the norms of
social exchange and the norms of a business.
Childminders did recount experiences of past arrangements that had
been problematical. Difficulties centred on time-keeping, payment and
caring for sick children.
Decreasing numbers of childminders
Over the last few years, the number of childminders leaving
childminding has not been matched by new childminder registrations.
Reasons for this situation may include:
- changing demographics resulting in a shrinking supply of
prospective childminders;
- increased employment opportunities offering flexible working
patterns;
- a lack of support for childminding at the local authority level;
- the low pay and poor status of the work;
- the changing nature of the work;
- increased regulatory demands, although childminders endorsed
regulation.
The increased number of places in other types of provision has also
been put forward as a reason childminders are leaving, though analysis
of government statistics at local government level did not provide
support for this view.
Conclusions
The supply of labour for care work such as childminding has
depended on a particular group - women with low levels of education,
low levels of relevant training or none at all, and prepared or
needing to work for low wages. This might be considered unacceptable,
for its devaluation of important work and its exploitation of those
doing this work. It is unlikely to be sustainable in the future, as
demand for care work of all kinds increases, while the supply of
labour for this work shrinks.
The researchers conclude that all care work, not just childminding,
needs rethinking. It is currently understood as something essentially
female, at which women are naturally competent, needing little or no
skill or training. As we enter the twenty-first century with a greater
emphasis on standards and quality, new understandings of care work are
called for. This needs innovative thinking and a holistic approach
linking care to other important areas such as learning and health. A
new understanding of care work will lead to new occupational
structures and training, and matching employment conditions.
About the study
The study was undertaken by Peter Moss, Ann Mooney, Charlie Owen
and Abigail Knight. The research involved: 1) secondary analysis of
the Family Resource Survey; 2) a questionnaire survey of a nationally
representative sample of 1050 childminders drawn from eight English
authorities; 3) case studies of 10 new, 10 established and 10 former
childminders from two contrasting English authorities. Parents using
the 20 active case study childminders were interviewed by telephone.
The work on the decrease in the number of childminders was an
extension to the original study. It involved secondary analysis of
government statistics, a survey of Early Years Development and
Childcare Partnerships and interviews with key officers from the
National Childminding Association and ten local authorities showing a
significant drop in the number of registered childminders. All the
work was undertaken between 1999 and 2000.
How to get further
information
The full report, Who cares?
Childminding in the 1990s by Ann Mooney, Abigail Knight, Peter
Moss and Charlie Owen, is published for the Foundation by the Family
Policy Studies Centre in association with the Industrial Society (ISBN
1 901455 62 9, price £13.95).
Click on the 'order report' icon in
the left margin to order online.
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