June 1998 - Ref 658
Step-parenting in the 1990s

A study of 878 33-year-olds bringing up children in stepfamilies found that, in general, family life and circumstances closely resembled those of 'first families'. However, stepfamilies tended to have lower average household incomes and greater signs of parental stress than first families, particularly where there had been new births to the couple concerned. The study, of a sample that had entered a stepfamily at a relatively young age, found that:

• There was greater polarisation into 'work rich' and 'work poor' households among stepfamilies than among first families.
• Despite the relatively high numbers of dual full-time earners in stepfamilies, they tended to have lower household incomes than first families.
• Family activities involving all members of the household were just as common in stepfamilies as in first families, with the exception of activities requiring expenditure outside the home.
• Contrary to popular perception, stepfathers were rather more involved than biological fathers in caring for and bringing up their dependent children.
• Children in stepfamilies were expected to do more for themselves in terms of self-care (cleaning their own room, making their own bed, etc.) than their counterparts in first families
• Both biological and step-parents in stepfamilies reported more relationship difficulties and more disagreement over child-rearing than their counterparts in first families. This was especially pronounced when the couple had had children together.
• Parents in stepfamilies were also more vulnerable to depression than those in first families, but this was not related to whether or not they had added to the family.

Background

With the seemingly inexorable rise in divorce rates and repartnership following relationship breakdown, membership of a stepfamily has become increasingly common among both adults and children in Britain. It is currently estimated that one child in eight will experience life in a stepfamily by the age of 16.

The aim of this study was to shed light on patterns of parenting in stepfamily homes, by examining the employment, domestic and child-rearing arrangements of both biological parents and step-parents in a large national sample of 33-year-olds living in stepfamilies. In its data source and design, the study parallels an earlier investigation into the ways in which parenting is undertaken in 'first' families containing two biological parents (see Social Policy Findings 106 ).

Stepfamily diversity

The blanket term 'stepfamily' conceals a considerable diversity of family arrangements. More than half (57 per cent) of the sample cases involved a stepfather, and most of these (88 per cent) were living with their partner and stepchildren. Stepmothers accounted for four out of ten cases (39 per cent), but nearly all of these (92 per cent) did not share a home with their stepchildren.

In more than half (56 per cent) of the stepfamilies which were living together, the new couple had added to the family by producing children of their own. The average number of dependent children was greater in stepfamilies than in first families, especially when there had been births to the new partnership.

Paid work

The polarisation of employment situation into 'work rich' and 'work poor' households which has characterised the last two decades was particularly marked among stepfamilies. They were more likely than first families to have neither parent in employment (9 per cent compared with 4 per cent) (Figure 1). However, they also contained a higher proportion with both adults in the labour force, with mothers in stepfather (29 per cent) and stepmother (25 per cent) households more likely to be in full-time employment than their peers in first families (17 per cent), except when they had pre-school aged children.

Regardless of their employment situation, stepfamilies tended to have lower average household incomes than their counterparts in first families. This reflected the tendency for parents (all except stepmothers) in stepfamilies to have lower status occupations, which was in turn linked to their poorer educational achievement. These findings suggest that the economic disadvantage of stepfamilies is linked to the prior experience and characteristics of those who become members of such families, rather than factors to do with family situation itself. This is especially likely to be the case among a sample who, at 33, had entered a stepfamily at a relatively young age.

Childcare for working parents

Despite their relatively high levels of maternal employment, the proportion of stepfather families using formal childcare provision was even lower than among first families. Stepfathers, like biological fathers, were the most common source of childcare while mothers were at work. Interestingly, grandparents or other relatives were as important a source of childcare support in stepfamilies as they were in first families.

Family roles

The positive picture of stepfathers' involvement with the children in their 'new' families was echoed in other findings concerning the part they played in their care and upbringing.

Parents' reports of how they organised their family roles showed that general childcare was rather more likely to be equally shared by both adults in stepfamilies than in first families, and this applied particularly when it concerned stepchildren, rather than (younger) children born to the couple. Although applying in only a minority of cases, stepfathers were also more likely than 'first' fathers to take major responsibility for teaching children good behaviour - indicating, perhaps, an adoption of the traditional role of the father as source of discipline.

Overall, the findings suggested that today's stepfathers are much more involved in parenting than were their predecessors a generation ago. The survey found little to suggest, however, that they shared in domestic work any more than fathers in first families. As in first families, regardless of their own employment situation, mothers in stepfamilies bore a disproportionate burden of housework in addition to their relatively long hours in paid work, and their comparatively large families (Figure 2).

The great majority of stepmothers played a similar part in childcare and upbringing as biological mothers, either sharing equally with their partners or taking the main responsibility themselves. However, where this was not the case, the proportion of fathers who took a lead role was higher among biological fathers in stepmother families than in any other family type (Table 1). It may be that those who had experienced lone fatherhood continued their nurturing role after re-partnering; alternatively, it may indicate that some stepmothers in the 1990s are less ready than their predecessors a generation ago to undertake a traditional maternal role in relation to another woman's children.

Children in stepfather families were expected to do rather more for themselves in terms of self-care (cleaning their own room, making their own bed, etc.) than their counterparts in first families. Unlike first families, however, this was more likely not when both parents worked full-time, but in homes containing larger numbers of children.

Family cohesiveness

It might be hypothesised that the larger numbers of children in stepfamilies, and their wider age range, would reduce the frequency with which all family members participated in certain activities. However, the study's findings revealed a very similar pattern of family life in stepfamilies and first families, particularly with regard to activities which took place within the home, such as sharing meals together. There was also little variation in the frequency of visits with relatives and friends, although stepfather families contained more cases of little or no contact of this type, suggesting that lack of kinship and social networks may be a problem for a minority of such families.

There were more marked differences between stepfather and first families with regard to joint activities involving expenditure - for example, visits to the cinema or other outings, and annual holidays. It appeared that the economic disadvantage of stepfamilies, especially those in which neither adult was in employment, was a constraint on the extent to which they could participate in activities such as family outings and holidays.

Parental well-being and satisfaction

The majority of adults in stepfamilies - both biological and step-parents - indicated that they were happy in their current partnerships. However, the numbers reporting that their relationship was unhappy were higher than among parents in first families. Similarly, the proportions of parents in stepfamilies who said that they disagreed about the way children should be brought up was considerably greater than among their peers in first families. A further measure, of general life satisfaction, revealed the same pattern of differences, with lower levels of satisfaction among those in stepfamilies.

Poorer relationships and higher levels of conflict between the adults concerned were more common among stepfamilies in which children had been born to the new couple. This suggests that, far from 'cementing' the new family unit, there are stresses associated with the more complex relationships created by its expansion.

Parents in stepfamilies, particularly stepfather households, showed a considerably greater tendency towards depression than those in first families. This was not related to whether or not the new couple had produced children, but for mothers it was especially marked among those whose partners made little contribution to child care and child rearing, as had also been the case in first families. Both stepfathers and biological mothers were vulnerable to depression in homes in which neither adult was employed, a finding which was also evident in respect of first families.

Conclusions

This study has shown that, in the areas of parenting investigated - employment, domestic roles and family life - stepfamilies are very similar to first families. However, they also differ in important ways. Their economic disadvantage means that many will find it difficult to meet the material needs of their relatively large numbers of dependent children. The complexity of the relationships within stepfamilies creates pressures on the adult partnership which appear to be exacerbated, rather than relieved, by the birth of children to the couple.

It is against this background of economic and emotional difficulties facing stepfamilies that the greater propensity for second partnerships to break down can be understood. The findings of this study also point to a need for support for parenting in stepfamilies, which to date has received little recognition or response. Professional help for families and parenting remains firmly based on the model of the traditional nuclear family. To address the particular circumstances and needs of stepfamilies would not be to stigmatise them in any way, but would acknowledge the realities of family life for a large and growing number of mothers, fathers and children.

About the study

The sample for this study was drawn from the National Child Development Study, a longitudinal birth cohort study which traces the lives of all those born in Britain in one week of March 1958. Most of the information on which this investigation was based was collected at the fifth follow-up in 1991, when the cohort members were aged 33.

Of the 11,321 cohort members with relevant information at the 1991 survey, 1,589 (14 per cent) were members of a stepfamily, either as a biological parent or as a step-parent. This study focused on the 878 who were living in the same household as the dependent children involved.

How to get further information

A full report, Step-parenting in the 1990s by Elsa Ferri and Kate Smith, is published by the Family Policy Studies Centre in association with the Foundation (price £9.95 plus £1.50 postage and packing, ISBN 0 901455 14 9).

Click on the 'order report' icon in the left margin to order online.